The Banu Jahwar Ran Córdoba by Committee Until Seville Took It
After the caliphate fell, Córdoba became a republic run by the Banu Jahwar. How the taifa worked, why it fractured, and how Seville took it around 1070.
Art history background with eight years writing interpretive content on Córdoba's Caliphal heritage.
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In early 1031 the people of Córdoba had to press Abu l-Hazm Jahwar into taking charge of a city that no longer had a ruler.[1] The republic he founded lasted about forty years, was run through a council, and ended around 1070 when Seville absorbed it. The thread back to the period runs through Ibn Idhari's chronicle al-Bayan al-Mugrib[24] and a few Jahwarid coins struck in 439 to 441 AH that carry no ruler's name,[25] and the chronicles of Ibn Hayyan and Ibn al-Athir were not checked here, so the dates below come from modern reference works that disagree.
TDV and RAH say 1070; Britannica says 1069 and 1071[18]
Abbadid hold ends
1091
Seville keeps Córdoba until its own independence ends[21]
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A republic by insistence
Córdoba in 1031 had no caliph worth the title. A council of notables, led by the aristocrat Abu l-Hazm Jahwar ibn Jahwar, abolished the office and proclaimed a republic, says Britannica.[2] The Spanish Royal Academy of History adds that the family stabilised the situation with the support of other notables of the region.[34] He did not seize the job. The Turkish Islamic encyclopaedia (TDV) says he took over the government in early 1031 at the people's insistence.[1]
The word republic needs care. This was no assembly of citizens. It was a leading family and its peers running a city that had run out of rulers, and the label describes an absence of a throne more than a constitution.
What made the decision plausible was exhaustion. The fall of the Córdoba caliphate had been a slow humiliation, with caliphs raised and discarded in a few years. Dissolving the office was less a revolution than an admission that it could no longer be filled.
A ruined showpiece and a rival downriver
The council inherited a capital with a wrecked crown jewel. Medina Azahara, the palace-city outside Córdoba, had been laid to waste in the civil war of 1009 to 1010, some two decades before the republic began.[3]
Downriver, Seville had already walked away. In 1023 its qadi, Muhammad ibn Abbad, declared the city independent of Córdoba,[4] eight years before the notables abolished the caliphate. His dynasty, the Abbadids, would become the republic's undertaker.
So the new government started with a ruined palace behind it, an ambitious Seville in front of it, and no caliph to give either problem a face.
One man or a committee?
Abu l-Hazm held power for twelve years, from 1031 to 1043, and Britannica credits him with restoring peace and economic prosperity.[5] The concrete evidence comes from TDV. The long fitna had left a Córdoba without order, with impoverished people and emptied houses.[26] Abu l-Hazm barred returning Umayyads from the city and armed the townspeople, tradesmen above all, to police themselves.[27] He also worked to end the conflicts among the taifa kings,[28] and his son Abu l-Walid kept up the programme and worked to revive economic life.[29]
Whether he did it alone depends on who is asked. Britannica calls him virtually an absolute sovereign, ostensibly assisted by a council.[6] TDV describes a shura administration staffed by the city's leading figures,[30] says he undertook nothing without the viziers' support,[31] and says he acted on the shura's decisions in matters of state.[8] Most taifas had one emir, while Córdoba under him was governed by "collective leadership".[7]
The title is the other clue. The Royal Academy of History's biography of Abu l-Walid says the Banu Jahwar took power but not the sovereign title, that Abu l-Walid followed his father in this, kept his rank of hajib and his private house, and never moved into the Umayyad alcázar.[32] TDV contrasts Abd al-Malik, who dropped his forebears' modest style and took two caliphal-style titles at once, al-Mansur-Billah and al-Zafir-Bifadlillah.[33] Seville, by contrast, was already turning a judge's family into a dynasty.
The sources split on the first two Jahwarids, and the likeliest reading is that both can be true. A council gave the notables a seat at the table and gave Abu l-Hazm a shield, since a hard choice could always be presented as the choice of the shura. His successors would find out how far that protection went.
Father, son and a murdered vizier
Abu l-Hazm's twelve years ended in 1043 and the job passed to Abu l-Walid Muhammad, known as al-Rashid, whose reign coin listings date to 1043–1058.[10] His talent was evasion. He is credited with keeping the Abbadids of Seville out of Córdoba through political chicanery,[9] which for a small republic between larger neighbours was the only foreign policy on offer.
The Jahwarid court of these years also frames the life of the poet Ibn Zaydun, whose career ran through the same corridors.
The next generation was worse at the game. Al-Rashid's son Abd al-Malik had a vizier killed, and the sources disagree on who and when. Britannica says al-Rashid had resigned his authority to the vizier Ibn al-Raqa, that his jealous son Abd al-Malik assassinated him in 1058, and that the father then rewarded the son with virtually caliphal standing.[35] TDV names the vizier Ibn al-Sakka, who had restored order, says the Abbadids insinuated that he meant to take over the dynasty, and dates the killing to 1063.[11] Neither account says whether the two names belong to one man, so they should not be treated as the same person.
A rivalry inside the family finished the job. Abd al-Malik and his brother Abd al-Rahman vied for dominance, and the conflict weakened Córdoba enough that Abd al-Malik went looking for an ally in al-Mu'tadid, the emir of Seville.[12] He had invited the rival state in.
Around 1070: how Seville took Córdoba
By the end the Cordobans wanted their rulers gone. Britannica has the Cordobans delivering Abd al-Malik, deeply unpopular, and his father to the Abbadids themselves,[16] a version that sits awkwardly beside the Toledan attack and riot reported in the Royal Academy of History's chronicle entry.
The collector was new. Al-Mu'tamid came to the throne of Seville on 27 February 1069, when his father al-Mu'tadid died.[14]
Then Toledo moved. Its army attacked Córdoba, a riot broke out against the Banu Jahwar, and they were beaten and exiled to the island of Saltés.[13] Al-Mu'tamid defeated the Toledan army and took the city, deposing Abd al-Malik, who went from a cell to exile.[15] TDV says Abbadid forces, sent to help against Toledo, entered in May 1070, and that Abd al-Malik realised too late he had been deceived.[17][37]
The date is the loose thread, and "around 1070" is the safest wording. The Royal Academy of History files the events under 29 July 1070,[13] and TDV says May 1070, so the two sources that date the occupation to a month agree on the year. Britannica splits: its Jahwarid entry says the Abbadids took the city in 1069,[36] while its Abbadid entry says 1071 and describes a precarious hold lasting only until 1075.[18] Neither entry explains the gap. Since al-Mu'tamid only acceded on 27 February 1069, the 1069 date may mark the Abbadid takeover rather than his occupation, and 1071 may reflect a later hold; that is an inference, not a documented reason.
After Seville: a city passed between kings
Annexation did not settle Córdoba. The decades after read as a list of owners:
Around 1070: al-Mu'tamid of Seville annexes the city and the Jahwarids go to Saltés[15]
Early 1075: a rebellion kills Abbad, al-Mu'tamid's governor, and Córdoba falls under Toledo[19]
Seville gained a city and, under al-Mu'tamid, became a brilliant centre of Spanish-Muslim culture.[23] It never gained a loyal one. Each time a stronger neighbour appeared, Córdoba changed hands.
The Banu Jahwar had asked their city to run itself. Within a generation it was taken by Seville, taken from Seville by Toledo, and finally taken by Almoravid assault. The longer arc of Moorish Córdoba runs on from there.
Frequently asked questions
What was the taifa of Córdoba under the Banu Jahwar?
The city-state that replaced the caliphate in 1031, led by Abu l-Hazm Jahwar and his family through a council of notables until Seville annexed it around 1070.[2]
Was the Taifa of Córdoba really a republic?
The label comes from the 1031 decision to abolish the caliphate and proclaim a republic.[2] In practice one family held the top post and passed it on, so it was a republic by name and something closer to a dynasty by habit.[10]
Who ruled Córdoba after the caliphate fell?
Abu l-Hazm Jahwar ruled from 1031 to 1043,[5] followed by al-Rashid and then Abd al-Malik, whose rule ended with the Abbadid takeover.[9]
When did Seville annex Córdoba?
Around 1070, when al-Mu'tamid captured the city after a Toledan attack and a riot. Britannica's Abbadid entry dates it to 1071.[15][18]
What happened to Abd al-Malik after 1070?
He was imprisoned and then exiled to the island of Saltés.[15]
How long did Seville keep Córdoba?
Until the Almoravids in 1091, apart from a spell between 1075 and 1078 when it lost control.[21]
“prompted the Cordoban council of notables, led by a prominent aristocrat, Abū al-Ḥazm Jahwar ibn Jahwar, to abolish the institution of the caliphate and proclaim Córdoba a republic”
“In 1070, after defeating the Toledan army, al-Mu'tamid captured Córdoba and deposed 'Abd al-Malik, who was first imprisoned and then exiled to the island of Saltés.”
“Durante su gobierno no adoptó título soberano alguno, siguiendo en esto a su padre y mantuvo su condición de ḥāŷib y su residencia particular, sin tomar posesión del alcázar omeya.”
“Abdülmelik emîr olunca babasının ve dedesinin mütevazi hayat tarzlarını terkederek “el-Mansûr-Billâh” ve “ez-Zâfir-Bifadlillâh” şeklinde iki unvanı birden aldı.”
“gracias al apoyo de otros notables de la región consiguieron estabilizar la situación tras largos años de guerras internas, aboliendo el califato de Córdoba.”
“When ʿAbd al-Malik, al-Rashīd’s jealous son, assassinated the vizier in 1058, his father rewarded him with virtually caliphal standing and authority in the state.”